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Symposium
on Cyprus, Ankara (17 January 2003)
Speech by
John Taylor ( Now Lord Kilclooney)
Mr.
Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
Can
I, first of all, state that I come as a friend of Turkey and of Northern
Cyprus. I
first went to Cyprus 31 years ago on a midnight flight with my wife and we arrived
to Nicosia airport at about 4 o'clock in the morning and obviously at that time
of the morning you get into the first taxi you see. And so we jumped into a taxi
and as we were going up the hill towards Kyrenia, the taxi driver said
"You are lucky I am your taxi man" and that was a rather
surprising comment to hear at
4 o'clock in the morning. And I said “Why?”
And he said "If you'd taken the other taxi, because he is a
Greek Cypriot, he would have had to drive around the mountain
and it would have taken an extra hour to get to your hotel. I'm getting
you there one hour earlier". So we very much appreciated that but it
certainly was an education immediately as to the division that existed in
the island
of Cyprus.
I've
been a member of the British-Turkish parliamentary group in Westminster for
many years, and I'm also chairman of the All-Party Friends of North Cyprus
at Westminster in London.
I
did represent the United Kingdom in New York for a week at the United
Nations Assembly
in early December, and whilst I was in New York, I went to visit President
Denktash. I found the man seriously, seriously ill, in great pain. In fact,
I feared that his life was at risk. And what irritated me at that
time was the political
pressure and demands being made upon President Denktash by Kofi Annan
through the United Nations and by the European Union. If the man had died they
would have been found guilty for killing him. And as you look at this document
today of 150 pages with so many blank pages and lack of detail, and the
irresponsible demand that this be agreed by the 28th of February,
I say it is political
nonsense and I speak to you as a politician. There is no way in which this could
be accepted as it stands, or even amended successfully in the short period
of time that has been given, to the 28th of February.
Ladies
and Gentlemen,
Her
Majesty the Queen, in her Christmas address to the people of the United Kingdom
and the Commonwealth, said "We have many problems, but I always look
for the long term solution, and not for short term advantage", and it
is something
which applies to the people of Turkish Cyprus, of Northern Cyprus today.
To join the European Union on the basis of this proposal would bring short
term advantages to the Turkish Cypriots and, quite clearly, some of the business
community within the Turkish Cypriot community recognize the opportunities
that would arise.
But
as a businessman myself in the United Kingdom, a not inconsiderable one,
I would warn against businessmen in politics and thereby I'm criticizing even
myself. Sometimes businessmen in politics only see the opportunities for themselves
and do not think in the longer term interest of their own community. And
I see signs of this weakness in Northern Cyprus today.
When I see people out
demonstrating, I think in many ways the Turkish Cypriots are about to commit
political suicide. Because, in the long term, this plan will in fact bring about
the disappearance of the Turkish Cypriot community in Cyprus.
That is the bottom
line.
Ladies
and Gentlemen,
As
Professor Dodd has said, this plan involves a movement of Greek Cypriots
northwards in the island of Cyprus. To begin with, tens of thousands of
Greek Cypriots
will move into land which Turkish Cyprus would have to give up, and than
more tens of thousands of Greek Cypriots would move into the remaining territory,
to reduce the area of territory to be controlled by the Turkish Cypriots. In
fact 28% of the population in time is allowed to become Greek Cypriot. But it’s
worse than that because the plan provides not just for 28% of the reduced
territory to be Greek Cypriot, but the free movement of all the Greek
Cypriots into Northern Cyprus so
long as they only spend 3 nights per week in a bed in Northern Cyprus. Now who
is going to go around every night at midnight to knock the doors of the Greek
Cypriot houses, in Northern Cyprus, to find how many people are actually sleeping
in their beds that night? Who is going to count the numbers of Greek
Cypriots sleeping in the beds in Northern Cyprus? It is a farcical proposal,
a silly proposal, and one that certainly Turkish Cypriots would be crazy to
accept the idea of Greek Cypriots having free movement into Northern
Cyprus - all Greek Cypriots
to have free movement - and strictly speaking being there for 3 nights. In practice,
they'll all be there all week, because there would be no checking and of course,
as speakers said this morning, there will be no border between Northern Cyprus
and Southern Cyprus; there will be no passports, it will simply be like a
town council boundary.
So that is one of the major dangers to the Turkish Cypriots community.
The
next thing is, of course, this constitutional structure, and I want to
underline what
Professor Dodd said, the Senate will be 50% from the North, 50% from the South.
That sounds fair, until you realize that 28% of those who come from the North
will be Greek Cypriots. And so the majority of the Senate will therefore
be Greek Cypriot.
And
likewise in the Chamber of Deputies, its members would be proportionate to the
population of North and Southern Cyprus, so there again the majority will be
Greek Cypriots, and the final analysis in the parliamentary structure is
that, although the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies will have Greek
Cypriot majorities, the
decisions would be made by a simply majority. In other words, the Greek Cypriots
will control the future decisions of the common state.
The
Presidential Council has been mentioned.
There again, 6 members to be appointed
by the parliament. But it would be once again Greek Cypriot controlled.
One has to be from the common state, from the Northern State, but the
Greek
Cypriots in the parliament can appoint that one from Northern Cyprus who
will be amenable to their decision, and so they will manage to have majority
decisions within the presidential council, including one vote from the component
state in Northern Cyprus.
Likewise
the Supreme Court: 9 judges, 3 from Northern Cyprus, 3 from Southern Cyprus,
3 independents, appointed yet again by the Greek Cypriot controlled presidential
council.
The
one thing where there is some equality is the reference to the presence of
the Greek and Turkish armies. There is to be equal presence of both the
Greek and the Turkish armies. But
one thing of importance to Turkey is that previously Cyprus could not be used
for international military operations or bases without the approval of Turkey.
That condition has now been removed. Cyprus in future could be used for
international operations, military operations, without any approval from Turkey
whatsoever.
Policing
is something which has not been mentioned. There is to be a common state
police force with its headquarters in Nicosia. It will of course be mainly Greek
Cypriot because they are the majority in the island of Cyprus. There is to be
a component state police force, one in Northern Cyprus, one in Southern
Cyprus. The Southern Cyprus one would be almost totally Greek Cypriot, the
Northern Cyprus
one will be about 28% Greek Cypriot, because they will have 28% of the population.
And the common state police force, the one which will be almost totally
Greek Cypriot, will have the right to operate in the Northern Cypriot state,
so you're going to have 2 police forces operating in the same state, one controlled
by the Northern state, and one controlled by the central state. And in addition,
they're to have a joint investigation agency to follow up terrorism, drugs
and money laundering and it is to have equal numbers from each state but there
again that does not mean equal numbers of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots.
In practice, it will mean majority Greek Cypriots and minority Turkish Cypriots
and believe it or not, there's also a proposal for the Greek Cypriot police
force in the component state in Northern Cyprus, and the same applies to the
equivalent in Southern Cyprus, and the same applies to the equivalent Turkish
Cypriot force in Northern Cyprus, to have hot pursuit. In other words, it provides
for the Greek Cypriot police force in Southern Cyprus to have the right of
hot pursuit into Northern Cyprus. I believe from the policing point of view there
is total confusion in having 3 separate police forces and 2 of them having the
right to operate within Northern Cyprus.
There
is a limit in the proposals on the number of mainland Turks who can be in the
island of Cyprus. And likewise the number of mainland Greeks, and of course
you know why that is there; it’s because if Turkey ever became a member of
the European Union, contrary to one of the main principles of the European Union,
the free movement of people through all its member states, as many British
can go to France, as many French can go to the United Kingdom, but not if
Turkey joins the European Union, because it’s already laid down in this
U.N. plan,
supported by the European Union, that there can be no more than 33 thousand
mainland Turks in Cyprus. So if Turkey joins the European Union the
principle of free movement of persons from Turkey to Cyprus will not apply
in this particular case and
Turkey ought to
be forewarned about that.
The
Citizenship Board, there again it’s going to be appointed by the Greek
Cypriot controlled Presidential Council and so you’ll understand the kind
of people who will serve on it.
I
now want to conclude with a brief summary of my problems with this plan.
I’m referring to the map. I think the idea of the Karpaz peninsula
being transferred to the control of the Greek Cypriot state is
quite wrong indeed, impractical.
Apparently the reason is that many Greek Cypriots used to live
in that part of the Karpaz, and that there are still about 200 Greek
Cypriots living
there. Well, if that's the principle being applied then you can apply it likewise
through Southern Cyprus. There are still about 200 Turkish Cypriots living
in Southern Cyprus, and many used to live there. So if a part of Northern Cyprus
has to be given over to Southern Cyprus, then part of Southern Cyprus should
now be included in the new Northern state if one is going to be fair.
The
main road for Nicosia - I don't know, the map’s not there now - but the
main road from Nicosia
to Famagusta, on the original proposals, was intended to be retained entirely
in the Northern state. But following the second revision of the plan, of
course, part of that main road is now going to be under the control of the
Greek Cypriot state. And, of course, as has been mentioned earlier by the
general when he
spoke, the orchards around Güzelyurt, which are so important for the economy
of Northern Cyprus, are going to be transferred mostly back to the Greek
Cypriot Southern State.
Ladies
and Gentlemen,
I
hope there is a settlement in Cyprus.
I'd like to see peace there, a settlement and
Cyprus in the European Union. But there are many difficulties in this present
plan, that if it were accepted as it stands at the moment it would be the beginning
of the end of Turkish Cypriots living in Cyprus and the beginning of the
end of Turkey's interest in Cyprus.
If
there is no agreement, then I do hope that you here in Turkey will continue
to give
your support to the Turkish Cypriot community. I think they will be greatly encouraged
today as they see all the seats here at this symposium occupied by people,
showing that Turkey has a genuine interest in the future of the Turkish Cypriot
community. And I hope that some of the problems which the Turkish Cypriots
have had to suffer from, such as the economic embargo, such as the lack of
passports, that these will be dealt with by Turkey. For example if you take
the question of passports, it can be dealt with very easily. There’s a
precedent in Europe.
In the United
Kingdom, we agreed with the Republic of Ireland, that those living in the United
Kingdom who claimed they were Irish, whether they were in Birmingham, London,
Glasgow or Belfast, they could have Irish passports. There's no reason on
earth why those
people in Northern Cyprus who claim to be Turkish, should not be given proper
Turkish full passports; so that they will no longer live in house
imprisonment in Northern
Cyprus, but can travel right across the world.
We
don't need annexation of Northern Cyprus with Turkey but integration, yes;
we've already got it in telephones, in post, in air connections, and in the lira
currency, and I'd like to see it in the electricity as well. We must fight; Turkey
must argue the case for the lifting of the economic embargo on Northern Cyprus.
And finally, Mr. Chairman, now that the European Union appears to be going
to bring Greek Cyprus, on its own if necessary, into membership of the European
Union, that does certainly seem to be contrary to the 1960 Zurich agreements
and what have you, and it is something which Turkey should now tackle
legally to see if this can be challenged.
I
conclude on a rather negative note perhaps, and it is the image that has
been presented
in London, and in Western Europe. There has unfortunately been the image
of Turkish Cypriots demonstrating against President Denktash and demanding
that he goes home, that he resigns. I was in Paris two days ago at the Council
of Europe. We
had several Greek Cypriot MPs there, and they were delighted
to be able to tell us all that their brothers, the Turkish Cypriots in Northern
Cyprus, wanted them back living amongst them in Kyrenia, and Famagusta
and Morphou and that their brothers, the Turkish Cypriots, wanted Mr. Denktash
to resign; they said that is now the real position in Northern Cyprus, they
want us back. That's the image that has been given by these demonstrations,
and likewise
in London, and Paris and elsewhere, we are getting a message from Turkey,
which isn't very helpful either. And it is that it is time for Turkey to
rethink its
policies towards the Turkish Cypriot community; that perhaps the policies of
30
years ago need to be changed, that perhaps Mr. Denktash is no longer
necessary. That has been seized upon by some of the leading newspapers and
even by the BBC World Service radio and television, all saying that
there's now a shift of position
in Turkey, that they no longer support the Turkish Cypriots in Northern Cyprus.
I hope those reports are not correct, but I do hope that they are corrected because
there are press in Western Europe who are very keen to promote the propaganda
of the European Union and of the Greek interest, and not to defend the interest
of Turkey.
And
so I conclude by saying "Long Live Turkey", and long live a Turkey
which
supports the security, safety and liberties of the Turkish Cypriot people.
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