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TRNC President Rauf R. Denktaş’
interview given to Inter-fax News Agent’s Reduction
Editor Vlidamir Kulikov , September 2004
Q.1: Mr. President, how do you
view prospects for the unification of southern and
Northern Cyprus, and what erms would you consider
acceptable for the Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus?
Denktaş- “Unification” is a
neutral word in the case of Cyprus. For Greek
Cypriots “unification” means accepting back Turkish
Cypriots into "the Republic of Cyprus" under Greek
Cypriot conditions which can be summarized as "out
with Turkish soldiers and what they call Turkish
settlers and the return of all Greek Cypriots
who had fled to the south after the arrival of Turks
in July 1974 or who voluntarity opted to
move south under the 3rd Vienna Agreement
of 1975!"
For
Turkish Cypriots who had been violently thrown out
of the 1960 partnership Republic with a view to
abrogating the 1960 International Agreements and
uniting the island with Greece, "unification" has
another meaning: namely unification of two states, a
kind of agreed new partnership, this time, not
between two corporate communities (as in 1960
agreements) but between the states which came about
as a result of the hi-jacking by Greek Cypriots of
the title of "the Government of Cyprus" back in
1964. The fact is that as from the December 1963
coup by Makarios against the partnership state, his
writ has not run over Turkish Cypriots or in the
enclaves into which they were forced to recede by
armed Greek and Greek Cypriot elements. It is stated
by Mr. Clerides in Vol. 3 page 236 of his Memoirs MY
DEPOSITION, that the Turkish Cypriot Administration
under the Vice-President of Cyprus, assumed the
character of a mini state (long before the arrival
of Turkey in Cyprus) after several phases of
evolution resulting in the establishment of
Federated State in 1975 and Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus in 1983.
Here
is the quotation from Mr Clerides:
"GREEK
CYPRIOT AIM
"Because of the disruption of constitutional
order a peculiar situation was created, by
virtue of which the state authority, on the one
hand, became under the absolute control of the
greeks, and though the Government was recognized
internationally, yet internally Turkish enclaves
were created within the territory of the
Republic in which at first, an elementary
organization for the purpose of governing the
Turkish Cypriots was established, the main
characteristic of which was the confusion of
military and political powers and functions, and
the prevailing of military power.
After the crisis of 1967 (Kophinou crisis) the
above disruption of constitutional order became
more clear and showed tendencies of permanency.
Thus in December 1967, the elementary
military-political organisation of the Turks in
the enclaves developed into a "Temporary
Administration" on the basis of a charter, and
at the same time the political and military
authorities were separated.
In the
years that followed a steady, stage by stage
development is noted in the Turkish
Administration, with the separation in its
legislative, Executive and Judicial powers. An
administrative organization is created, as well
as police force and army. The increase of the
financial resources of the Turkish Cypriots
through economic aid from Turkey permitted the
functioning of their administration on a more
permanent basis, a fact which they made clear,
by renaming their "Temporary Turkish Cypriot
Administration" to "Turkish Cypriot
Administration". Thus there exist today in
Cyprus two poles of power on a separate
geographical basis i.e. the Government of the
Cyprus Republic, controlling the largest section
of the territory of the state and
internationally recognized, and the Turkish
Cypriot Administration, which controls a very
limited area and is not internationally
recognized, but has already taken almost all the
characteristics of a small state.
From the
above the conclusion can be drawn that our top
priority and target must be the dissolution of
the Turkish enclaves for the sake of securing
the unity of the island."
Trying to solve the problem without a proper
diagnosis of it has cost 40 years of unnecessary
strife, suffering and uncertainty for Turkish
Cypriots while Greek Cypriot side, under the
hi-jacked title of "the Government of Cyprus" has
continued its struggle for converting the island
into a Greek Cypriot Republic and Turkish Cypriot
"politically equal partner" into a minority in a
Greek Cyprus. Here, again is Mr. Clerides, from his
Memoirs, Vol. 3, page 105.
" GREEK
CYPRIOT PREOCCUPATION
"Just as the Greek
Cypriot preoccupation was that Cyprus should be
a Greek Cypriot state, with a protected Turkish
Cypriot minority, the Turkish preoccupation was
to defeat any such effort and to maintain the
partnership concepts, which in their opinion the
Zurich Agreement created between the two
communities. The conflict, therefore, was a
conflict of principle and for that principle
both sides were prepared to go on arguing an
even, if need be, to fight, rather than
compromise.
The same principle is still in conflict, even
today, though a federal solution has been
accepted – and though a federation is nothing
more than a constitutional partnership of the
component states, provinces or cantons which
make up the federation."
So,
in essence what is the problem which international
pundits have not been able to solve for 40 plus
years? It is obvious that Greek Cypriot side is
disregarding the oppositions of Turkish Cypriots to
their attempt to convert the island into a Greek
Cypriot Republic. That is why Turkish Cypriots
refuse to recognize the title of the Greek Cypriots
to "the legitimate Government of Cyprus", and Greek
Cypriots refuse to abandon this title so lavishly
bestowed upon them by USA and Britain back in 1964.
This is the essence of the problem and yet again
through USA and British machinations the Secretary
General has been given the mandate (back in March
1964) "to help the communities to solve the problem
while protecting the sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus".
This mandate is taken as an assurance by the Greek
Cypriot leadership that Turkish Cypriots have no
right to challenge this title and hence the exercise
is how to amalgamate Turkish Cypriots back
into "the Republic" as a minority with special
rights. Turkish Cypriots reject this approach.
The
recent events (double referenda) is proof enough
that there are two peoples in the island with the
rights of separate self-determination: that, unless
both agree the problem cannot be settled; that one
side has no right to represent or dominate or rule
the other and yet Greek Cypriot Administration
continues to be treated as "the legitimate
Government of Cyprus" and Greek Cypriot leaders are
assured by all concerned that TRNC will not be
recognized. So, no motivation is left for Greek
Cypriots to enter into a new partnership agreement
with Turkish Cypriots. Hence their overwhelming "No"
at the recent referendum.
Now the EU
countries will see how this so-called Government of
Cyprus will "rock the boat" in order to take over
the whole island and convert Turkish Cypriots into
the position of "a protected minority in a Greek
Cypriot Republic"! Naturally Turkish Cypriots will
continue to fight this attempt as they have done for
the last 40 years.
Unification
can only be achieved if the two sides are treated as
equals by those who keep on producing recipes
without a proper diagnosis of the problem. The truth
is that big powers (and now the EU) are trying to
serve their own interests in Cyprus, and they do not
much care about the future of the Turkish Cypriots.
Signing an agreement is good enough for them. But
Turkish Cypriots cannot forget that this was done in
1960 and a guaranteed Republic was established only
to be destroyed by Makarios in three years time 40
years ago and that no one tries to understand why
Turkish Cypriots refuse to sign a paper agreement
anew! A solid agreement which Greek Cypriots will
know they will not be able to destroy again is what
Turkish Cypriots want, hence, partnership between
two sovereign sides guarantees that Cyprus will
never become a Greek Cypriot Republic, by accepting
the existence of two equal states who will then
agree to unite on equal conditions. A federation by
two neighborly states or pure and simple
confederation is the answer
Q 2: UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan’s plan for a Cyprus
settlement remains on the negotiating table. Have
you changed your attitude towards this plan, and do
you think it needs to be adjusted? If you do, what
kind of adjustments should be in it?
Denkta ş:
The plan has been declared null and void , with no
effect whatsoever. In view of the results of the
April referenda, what has to be done is, for the EU,
to start direct negotiations with TRNC, now knowing
that it was a mistake to take in the Greek Cypriot
administration as “the legitimate government of
Cyprus” Someone, somewhere, somehow has to correct
this 40 year old illegality and tell Greek Cypriots
that they have no right to claim to be the
government of Cyprus and that Turkish Cypriot side
has to be treated as an equal entity prior to any
attempt at unification.
You
cannot settle a problem on injustice, you cannot
settle any problem without a proper diagnosis.
Q 3: Under
what terms could the Turkish military contingent be
removed from the Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus?
Denktash:
Under 1960 agreements a balance was established
between Turkey and Greece over Cyprus. 650 Turkish
soldiers, 950 Greek soldiers and a small Cyprus army
(composed of 60% Greek Cypriots and 40% of Turkish
Cypriots) coupled with their rights as guarantors
came about. Makarios never established the Cyprus
Army as accepted in the agreements. He spent his
money on preparing an underground Army (the Akritas
plan-attached) in order to destroy the Republic and
unite the island with Greece.
After
40 years of strife in order to achieve that very end
we are asked to forgo the right of Turkey to keep
this small force in the island and to forgo the
right of Turkey to intervene if 1963 violence is
repeated. How can this give us a sense of security ?
If
Greek Cypriots had any good will, they should have
come forward with better security assuarances for
us. They should have come forward to apologise for
the atrocities committed between 1963-1974. They are
doing the contrary. They say that 1963-1974 never
happened, that the conflict began in 1974 when
Turkey arrived!
Q 4: Who would
you assess Russia’s position on a Cyprus settlement,
primarily its position as a permanent member of the
UN Security Council?
Denktash: Once
our sovereign equality is granted and Greek Cypriot
claim to be the government of all is brought down to
realities; once a settlement is really achieved we
shall still need the national guarantees and I
believe it will be a good idea if Russia is assured
that Cyprus will not be used by the Western powers
as a military base by completely de-militarizing the
island and eliminating the British bases as well.
Thus, the national contingent in those small numbers
will oversee that Cyprus is not militarized by
either side or by any other country.
Cyprus could then become an international center for
a,b,c,d, affairs free of any military
considerations. Utopia? May be! But why not try it?
Q 5: Do you
think it would be reasonable to increase the number
of countries acting as guarantors of a Cyprus
settlement, and join Russia to them? What would be
required for this to happen?
Denktash: No!
Because what will keep Greek Cypriot extremists at
bay will be the realization that Turkey can
intervene again if they try to destroy the sovereign
Turkish Cypriot state in the North. Too many
guarantors mean too much time wasted while Turkish
Cypriots are murdered in the island.
If
two sovereign state formula is accepted, Greek
Cypriots should no longer entertain the imaginary
fear of "Turkey occupying the island", because
Turkey’s act will be limited to preserving
the boundaries of TRNC as to be agreed.
Q 6: The
Russian financial and economic presence in the Greek
part of Cyprus is significant, and so is the inflow
of Russian tourists. What opportunities are
available, in your opinion, for a similar Russian
presence in the north of Cyprus? Does the final
settlement of the Cyprus problem alone constitute
the main condition for broadening business contacts
between Russia and the Turkish Republic of Northern
Cyprus?
Denktash:
Russia’s interest in us is growing on a proportional
basis with the American involvement in new elections
and in the last referanda ! we want American
influence to be counterbalanced by Russian interest-
economic and otherwise ! I believe things are moving
in that direction.
Rauf R.
Denktash
President |