"Dialogue of the Deaf" by Justin
Keay, published in "Jane’s Foreign Report" on 1st
August 2005.
A UN diplomat once famously
remarked that of the world’s international disputes,
the Cyprus Problem was the closest to actually being
insoluble. Fifteen months after Greek Cypriots voted
against the UN’s painstakingly drawn up Annan Plan,
this comment has come back to haunt EU leaders who –
with Cyprus now a member of the enlarged EU – must
now join the British, Greek and Turkish in
determining what happens next on the divided island.
Prospects do not look encouraging.
Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders
are not even talking to one another. Mehmet Ali
Talat, leader of the Turkish Cypriots, complains his
counterpart Tassos Papadopoulos doesn’t even respond
when he suggests a meeting; in turn, Papadopoulos
says he will not meet until there is something to
talk about and that anyway there is little point in
talking to the Turkish Cypriots when Turkey calls
the shots on such questions as land release or troop
withdrawal. What communication there is tends to be
low level – and then go nowhere. Recent secret talks
in Brussels over Turkish Cypriots handing over the
Greek Cypriot town of Varosha and stopping
construction in the north, in exchange for direct
flights and being able to use Famagusta Port to
trade directly with the EU collapsed, with each
accusing the other of bad faith. Indeed, in London
this week to improve his government’s battered
relations with the Blair government, Papadopoulos
denied Varosha was ever on the table. Meanwhile,
Turkish Cypriots, the UN and almost everybody else
are frustrated by the failure of Papadopoulos to
annunciate clearly his reservations about the Annan
Plan and declare what changes he’d like.
So where does one go from here?
James Ker-Lindsay, author of a forthcoming book
about the Annan Plan negotiations, says the mood is
bleak, with pro-plan Cypriots on both sides of the
Green Line still disillusioned about the
Papadopoulos government’s behaviour in refusing to
support it, despite earlier assurances to contrary
to both the EU and UN. Noting the Greek Cypriot
stress on legalism – as owners of the entity that is
the Republic of Cyprus, little opportunity is missed
to stress the illegality of the Turkish Republic of
North Cyprus or to jump on any proposal that might
even vaguely be construed as recognition - he likens
the situation to a stand-off between "30,000 Turkish
soldiers and 30,000 Greek Cypriot lawyers".
"I’m afraid the truth is that
Papadopoulos is Greek Cypriot nationalist politician
and doesn’t care what the US, the EU or even Greece
say; his concern is only for the interests of the
Greek Cypriots and it is this that makes him so
tricky to deal with," he says.
On the ground, the refusal of the
Greek Cypriots to even acknowledge any authority
north of the Green Line, or allow anyone else to –
for fear this might encourage separatist sentiment
or raise hopes of recognition – has had some bizarre
consequences. Turkish Cypriot authorities recently
had to drop charges against a known murderer living
in the north because the incident took place in the
south, and Greek Cypriot authorities reject handing
evidence to an entity they do not recognise.
Republic of Cyprus authorities recently refused to
accept electrical equipment addressed to a Greek
Cypriot company but wrongly delivered to the north,
presumably because it was coming from a place that
doesn’t exist. In this Alice in Wonderland world -
where Greek Cypriots have lost the moral high ground
but still have international law on their side -
Turkish Cypriot hopes of ending their isolation look
slim indeed. Their foreign minister Serdar Denktash
has warned that having waited for a solution since
1963 - when the original Cypriot constitution
collapsed following Greek Cypriot violations and
Turkish Cypriots were pushed into UN-protected
enclaves - Turkish Cypriots are not prepared to wait
another 40 years.
"If the same mentality wins in
the south’s presidential elections of February 2008
we will abandon our search for a solution with the
Greek Cypriots," he said last week, however ruling
out integration into Turkey.
There may be one way forward,
however. Some Turkish Cypriots have suggested
renouncing the unrecognised TRNC (originally set up
in 1983), and then being asked to chose between a
unified state with the Greek Cypriots or
independence. If the latter, the Turkish Cypriots
could then turn to a much more favourably disposed
international community, which post Yugoslavia has
become more accustomed to the notion of small
states, and say: "Look, we voted yes to the Annan
Plan and done everything that was asked of us,
whilst you promised to lift our isolation. Nothing’s
happened so we’ve had a democratic vote: if the
Greek Cypriots don’t want to negotiate seriously why
not recognise us and allow us EU membership as an
equal partner with the Greek Cypriots?"
At the very least, such a
manoeuvre would make the Greek Cypriots sit up and
get serious about negotiation again.