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HOW THE BRITISH POLICY ON THE CYPRUS ISSUE HAS BEEN HELD HOSTAGE? (MUSTAFA ERÜLGEN)

Introduction

Greek Cypriot side has consistently used the British bases on the island as a major instrument of pressure on the British government to pursue a pro-Greek line on the Cyprus  issue. The success on this policy over the years in effect turned the British policy into a hostage in the hands of the Greek Cypriots. Even a balanced British statement on the Cyprus issue which goes some way in respecting the interests and concerns of the two sides are countered by strong Greek Cypriot reaction, raising the status of the British bases reviving claims made by individuals against the bases authorities, creating a legal wrangle to put Britain under pressure to return to a pro-Greek Cypriot line. After the EU policy-shift to a pro-Greek line and particularly in the last few years, Greek Cypriot administration, intensified this policy.

The prospect of a renewed Greek Cypriot terror against the British servicemen and their families on the bases led Britain from day one of the Cyprus problem to pursue a pro-Greek Cypriot policy. Britain chose to turn a blind eye to the usurpation of the title of the Cyprus Republic by the Greek Cypriots due to her strategic interests in keeping the bases. It was the duty of Britain as a guarantor power to oppose such an usurpation. Once the Greek Cypriots managed to usurp and use the title of the Cyprus government in 1964 onwards, they then turned this blackmail into a systematic policy constantly blackmailing Britain in variety of ways and keeping Britain on a pro-Greek Cypriot line. It is worth noting that maintaining the Bases and the other sites granted to her by the 1960 Agreements has been the main strategic objective of Britain over the Cyprus issue.

The status of the British bases

Since the Greek Cypriots have no right to represent or speak on behalf of the whole of Cyprus, they cannot negotiate with Britain over the British bases as the “Government of Cyprus”. Neither the rights of the Turkish Cypriot partner nor the rights of Guarantor Turkey can be pushed aside by unilateral Greek Cypriot actions concerning the bases. The same is true over the sites granted to Britain. Under the 1960 Agreements the privileges granted to the United Kingdom to use certain Sites within the territory of the Republic of Cyprus was conferred upon the United Kingdom by the two equal communities to whom the United Kingdom transferred the sovereignty of the island. Under the Treaty of Establishment any disagreement over the interpretation of it’s clauses, must be referred to a court comprising the representatives of the governments of Britain, Turkey, Greece and Cyprus and chaired by the President of the International Court of Justice at the Hauge. 

The crux of the matter is that in the event that the United Kingdom disclaims sovereign rights over any part of the British bases area or the rights of the said sites, it can only abdicate in favour of the two equal co- founder partners of the 1960 Republic of Cyprus. Turkish Cypriots made clear that in the case that Britain gives up the bases, the Dhekelia base will have to go to the TRNC.

Greek Cypriot push for unilateral EU membership

Greek Cypriot blackmail of Britain over the bases issue is part of the wider Greek Cypriot strategy of clinging to the false title of the “Cyprus Government”, consolidating their usurpation and even going beyond to create international commitments for the whole of Cyprus. The latest Greek Cypriot push along this line is Greek Cypriot unilateral application to join the EU as the Government of the whole of Cyprus ignoring entirely the rights and concerns of the Turkish Cypriots partner and that of Guarantor Turkey. The aim of this application is totally political and the Greek Cypriot leaders do not hesitate confessing it. They are planing to realise their ultimate goal of enosis through the EU and granting minority rights to the Turkish Cypriot partner.

It is interesting to note that, in 1994, the UK government indicated that there should be a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem before Cyprus is admitted to the EU, parallel to the position of Turkish Cypriot.

On 28 June 1994, in response to the question by John Fraser MP in the House of Commons "What accommodation does the British Prime Minister anticipate will be reached between the Turkish and Greek communities in Cyprus to enable Cyprus to be admitted as a member of the community?" , the British Prime Minister John Major said: "It is a considerable way off before Cyprus is likely to be admitted as a member of the community.... Certainly if the dispute between the north and south is unresolved, it will be extremely difficult for Cyprus to be admitted to the community." The British premier went on to say that " First we must continue with the UN efforts to try to find a satisfactory accommodation to the long standing problem of Cyprus.... We hope that the dispute will be resolved before it is possible for Cyprus to become a member of the European Union" (Cyprus Mail, 29 June 1994).

After the speech of John Major, was publicised, the Greek Cypriots resumed to make so much fuss over it. Former Foreign Minister of the Greek Cypriot Administration, Alecos Michaelides, conveyed to the British High Commissioner David Madden: “Our disappointment that comes from the Premier Major’s statement”. Michaelides particularly criticised the Major’s reference to North and South and said “ There is only a Republic of Cyprus”. British High Commissioner David Madden, in order to appease the Greek Cypriots and to stop their threat said that his government supports Cyprus’ membership bid. He said: “We are not retreating from it, we stand by it. The only question is the timing of the accession” (Cyprus Mail, 30 June 1994). However, his statement did not satisfy the Greek Cypriots and they began questioning the right of Britain over the sovereign bases. As a consequence of that, the Greek Cypriots declared the sovereign bases a disputed area and they are blackmailing on this issue whenever it is possible.

Intensification of the Greek Cypriot blackmail

In the last few years the Greek Cypriots side intensified its policy of blackmail against Britain. Below I will give few incidents over the bases in the last few years that are all aimed at putting pressure on Britain .

Harris Aristidou, a doctor, refused to stop for routine checks at Episkopi base, in 1994. Anti-British activist Harris Aristidou, said that, he did not recognise British Base police and called the Greek Cypriot government to tell the British that colonial days are over and they can no longer harass citizens. On the other hand, leader of the socialist party Edek, Vassos Lyssarides, said in the Greek Cypriot House of  Representatives that road checks by bases police are illegal (Cyprus Mail, 28 June 1994).

Edek MP Demetreis Eliades, said that " It has to stop. There is the impression that the bases are above the law and criticism and this is cultivated by the state" (Cyprus Mail, 6 July 1994). Eliades accused the bases authorities of a colonial mentality. On the other side Deputy Attorney-General Loukis Loucaides expressed similar views like the MPs and he said that " I would ask whether the check was being done after consultation with the Cyprus Republic and whether it was related to military requirements. If not I would question the right to carry out such a check" (Cyprus Mail, 3 July 1994).

Anti-British bases campaign continued during the 1995. A Nicosia lawyer, Charalambos Siambettas, refused to answer a traffic offence in a British Bases court because he said he did not recognise it's jurisdiction. As the bases are for military and defence purposes they do not have the authority to try Cypriot citizens on traffic cases, the lawyer said. For the court to try him on such an offence is a violation of the UN human rights charter he added (Cyprus Mail, 1 December 1995). He claimed that the British Bases are in Cyprus for defence purposes and said that according to recognised international conventions and UN resolutions, such bases, are not allowed to have a police force. The Attorney-General of the British Bases, however, informed him that the bases were not given to the UK by the Republic of Cyprus. "We had Cyprus, we kept the bases and gave the rest of it to the Republic of Cyprus, which is obvious from the Treaty of Establishment" he said (Cyprus Weekly, 1-7 December 1995).

The Greek Cypriots’ activities against the British Bases intensified during 1997. An angry crowd of Greek Cypriots stormed a police compound at the British military base of Episkopi in a bid to free Angelos Panaretou being held there on charges of assaulting an SBA officer and illegally building a leisure complex in Bases territory (Cyprus Mail, 15 April 1997).

Following this development, anti-bases campaigners protested the British military exercises in the Akamas. The Anti-Bases Committee said that "It is arbitrary of the colonialists.... to cite the Treaty of Guarantee whenever it suits them and to ignore it whenever they want" (Cyprus Mail, 9 May 1997).

The most provocative and dangerous act of the Greek Cypriot side during the 1997 was the over flight on Akrotiri RAF base and Episkopi garrison by the two Greek warplanes. The two Greek F-16s flew over the bases at a height of around 2,000 feet during the wrap-up of the annual Nikiforos exercise held jointly with Greece. British sources described the incident as  "dangerous and stupid". An official written protest was lodged by Britain with the Greek Cypriot Foreign Ministry. The Greek Cypriot government, however, rejected the British protest and declared that the two military bases legally do not possess sovereign air space over the island under the 1960 Treaty of Establishment (Agon, 23 October 1997). It is significant to notice that the Greek Cypriot challenge was happening before the Luxembourg summit of the EU took place to discuss the enlargement process in 13 December 1997.

The Greek Cypriots’ systematic anti-bases movements continued during the 1998 as well. Diko deputy Marios Matsakis was arrested by the SBA police in April. Matsakis, the former state pathologist and active member of the anti British bases lobby had gone to Dhekelia to observe a court case involving Greek Cypriot farmer Hambis Himonas. The Diko deputy was insisting on seeing Himonas in his capacity both as a doctor and as his deputy. Following the scuffle outside the court, he was held for five hours before being released. The Greek Cypriots argued that the arrest of Diko deputy by the British bases was a violation not only of his rights but of the constitution of the so called the Cyprus Republic. Although, the bases insist that the immunity factor does not apply within the bases, the Greek Cypriots strongly stressed that the bases are obliged to align their legislation with that of the so called Republic of Cyprus and immunity is granted by the constitution and that is superior to any law (Cyprus Mail, 14 April 1998). Under these conditions, most of the Greek Cypriots demanded from the Greek Cypriot government take legal action against Britain for the arrest of Matsakis.

The Greek Cypriot provocative acts increasingly continued till the end of the 1998.  In a systematic way threats of the Greek side towards the TRNC border, increased in the region. On 13, 23, 24 and 29 December of 1998 several shots had been fired at Turkish Cypriot sentry posts. The attention in those incidents is that, the shots were fired from a moving vehicle on the road separating the TRNC from the British bases. It means that shots were fired at a Turkish sentry post from the sovereign Base Area. The Greek Cypriots used that road, which separates the TRNC from the British bases, in order to question the right of British over it and to show that they do not recognise the British authority over the bases. Unfortunately, the British authorities fail to take necessary measures such as routine checks in the region, since they are afraid of finding themselves in confrontation with the Greek Cypriots. The absence of willingness of the British authorities to take necessary measurements in the region encouraged the Greek Cypriots to continue their provocative acts.

Recently, British bases authorities found themselves in a new battle with the Greek Cypriots over military exercises in the Akamas. They said the exercises destroy areas of environmentally sensitive land through fires started on the training grounds. Bases spokesman, however, said the exercises did not involve live ammunition and the complaints of the environmentalists were groundless. It is significant to note that, although the British bases are allowed under the 1960 Treaty of Establishment to use land outside the sovereign bases for military exercises for a certain period each year, the Greek Cypriots are questioning the sovereign rights of Britain. Green party leader said that “The military bases are an air force, they don’t need to hold military manoeuvres on the ground… they are doing it to exercise their so called sovereign rights in Cyprus” (Cyprus Mail, 5 January 1999). It is obvious that this statement shows the Greek side's main goal. The Greek Cypriots protest the exercises by local environmentalists and increased the pressure over the British. The environmentalists groups said that their actions reduced the scope of the exercises and they claimed victory in their struggle over the military exercises in the Akamas (Cyprus Mail, 9 January 1999). As a result of these developments, British Bases, submissive to ending all use of the Akamas peninsula for SBA troop military exercises. The Greek Cypriot Administration offered the bases limited use of the Greek National Guard firing range at Kalo Chorio, in the Larnaca district (Cyprus Mail, 20 February 1999).

The UK obey the rules of Greek Cypriots

The legal wrangle over the status of the British Bases has been highlighted following the British policy against the Greek Cypriot application to the EU. The systematic pressure, threat and terrorist movement of the Greek Cypriots to the British about the sovereign bases, led the British to remember the 1950's when Eoka applied terrorism against them. It is obvious that, in present days, the Greek Cypriots succeed to influence the British policy with the same method. Although, the British government, in 1994, declared that they are against the membership of the Greek side to the EU before a solution, as a result of the systematic anti base campaign of the Greek Cypriots led the guarantor country Britain to ignore the reality of Cyprus and change her policy.

At the EU General Affairs Council Meeting, British Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, by forgetting the responsibility of the UK as a guarantor country over Cyprus, gave a full support to the Greek Cypriot policy. Cook said that: "Cyprus’ membership of the European Union is not part of the problem, but part of the solution". It is very meaningful that Germany, France, Italy, and the Netherlands issued a joint communiqué stating that without a Cyprus solution serious problems will arise with the islands accession process, effectively preventing it from becoming an EU member. The four countries insist and emphasise on a political solution in Cyprus before the membership.